The Many Themes of A Tale of Two Cities :: Tale Two Cities Essays

The Many motions of A Tale of Two Cities   The Tale of Two Cities has many assorted themes.  The themes are interconnected with each other.  Theme plays a big part in the plot a book.  The opinions formed by the audience, of the characters, are also affected by the themes in a book.  common chord themes in this book are sacrifice, love and hate, and death these themes show up many times in this book.  The themes in this book are shown through the characters and their actions.        pay shows up in the book many times.  Sacrifice is giving up something that is apart of your life that you do not really requirement to give up. The greatest sacrifice in the book is Cartons death.  He sacrifices his life for his love for Lucie Manette.  Sydney Carton met his death with great dignity. In fulfilling his old promise to Lucie, Carton attains peace those observation see The peacefullest mans face ever beheld(366) at the gu illotine.  Charles Darnay gives up his estate in France, for the idea of working in England.  His decision to become a teacher deposit him in a conflict with his uncle, the Marquis St. Evremonde.  shake off Pross lost her hearing when she tried to stop Madame Defarge from killing Lucie and her family.  Miss Pross was the loyal servant for Lucie.  She showed her loving allegiance to Lucie by fighting off Madame Defarge.        Many characters are skilled with the force of love in this book.  Miss Pross, fought off Madame Defarge for the reason that she loved Lucie, and did not want anything to happen to her. The true love was the feelings of Sydney for Lucie.  This love was so great he sacrificed his own life for her.  He showed more love for her than for himself.  Hate is also plays a big part in the book. Madame Defarge had so much hate she went to the extent of trying to kill Lucie. This backfired and instead o f Lucie dying she died in a struggle versus Miss Pross.  Even Madame Defarges husband Earnest Defarge shows hate when he accidentally runs over a peasants son and kills him.  Mr. Defarge showed no remorse for what he had done, and instead was very bastardly toward the father of

Inspector Goole in J.B.Priestley’s play, An Inspector Calls :: English Literature

What is the function of Inspector Goole in J.B.Priestleys play, AnInspector Calls?An Inspector Calls was written in 1945 by John Boynton Priestley. Theplay was set in 1912 two years before the first world war so from thistheir would have been irony as the listening would know. The play isset in a dining room in the Birlings residence in Brumley, NorthMidlands which was a fictional industrial city. At the time the playwas set the world was a very class conscience place with higher andlower class depending on nonpareil thing money. The country was set up intwo categories with the socialists which consists of the PoliticalSystem in which ways of community and sharing are promoted andcapitalists which is the political carcass which values privateownership and the individual. The country really was involved aroundcapitalist values. For example there was no welfare state. In thisessay I will be focusing on the main functions of the inspector. Theinspectors role is a key to the plot and conclusion and deliversmorals and principles and how the functions of the inspector get usedin specific places throughout the play.The play opens with the Birling family and Gerald celebrating theengagement of Gerald and Sheila. It is dramatically effective becauseyou get to see all the characters in one room therefore sightedness theirpersonalities, instead of them being introduced one-by-one. They arecelebrating and at ease which means they are a little bit drunk. The belief is very relaxed and everyone having a nice time. From the full stopdirections it says the mood is pink and internal. We learn fromMr.Birling that he is selfish and a capitalist from his speech. Hesums himself up within the opening of the play saying that a man hasto mind his own business and look after himself and his own-and-(actone page 11) this indicates that he is a selfish man and cares for hisfamily only (Mr.Birling is a capitalist). The mood is soon to changefrom relaxed and chilled to harsh when the inspector arrives. At thelast rallying cry of Mr. Birlings speech the door bell rings at the right timeto take in tension, the doorbell ring was purposely put their to createtension and to stop Birling preaching about capitalist views. Itsclever even how one word and can be such a tensional word as thedoor bell rings. In the stage directions the lighting should be pinkand intimate until the inspector arrives, and then it should bebrighter and harder it changes to as if all the characters were being

Literal Interpretation In Literature :: essays research papers

Literal Interpretation in LiteratureLiterature is meant to put up a perspective on life. Phrases or refersfound in works of literature may be used to help express ones own thoughts, to separate a particular situation, or even to apply the circumstances in anotherpiece of literature. Readers often utilize literary quotes for this purpose,yet not any reader will interpret a given quote the same way. One example ofa phrase which can have many dissimilar meanings is the biblical quote "The sinsof the father visit upon the children."A literal interpretation of the above quote would mean the wrongdoings ofthe father somehow affects the children. If the "bad habits" of one coevalsarent corrected, they will be passed on to the generations that follow. Thatcan result in generations of drug abusers, spouse abusers, or just rude people.One example of this interpretation tycoon be if a father is a drug abuser, thechildren will learn from him, and use drugs also. Another ex ample is if thefather is abusive, the children will think that is how problems are solved.They, in turn, will be abusive to their families, and will start a vicious cyclefor generations to come. These examples definitely show how this biblical quotemay be understand literally."The sins of the father visit upon the children" has a deeper meaning thanthat described above. For example, "father" could be changed to "parent," andthese "parents" could mean "generations" that precede the children. A situationthat would represent that would be war or pollution. A second example whichillustrates how this quote may be interpreted on a more global level ispreceding generations could affect the children by means of racialdiscrimination that has been passed down from long ago. This may have startedwith slavery and segregation. Then, as generations follow, racialdiscrimination is passed. All of these situations prove that one quote may havemany different m eanings.A third way to interpret this biblical quote is to change the word "sins"to a more customary or positive term such as "behaviors", "expectations","experiences", or even "good deeds". By making such a substitution, the quotetakes on a new meaning. This makes the biblical quote good or bad depending onthe "behaviors". For example, the father may behave in a polite way, whichwould tutor the children behaviors that make many friends, get job offers, andbasically get the most out of life. On the other hand, the fathers behaviorscould be rude, and the children would learn to be mean, which would cause themto ache their jobs and friends.

The Rise of Reggae and the influence of Toots and the Maytals. :: Essays Papers

The Rise of Reggae and the influence of Toots and the Maytals.Reggae music is one of the worlds few living folk musics. It has remained implausibly popular and spontaneously generated by peoples experiences, emotions and traditions. Since its birth reggae music has been Jamaicas emotional outlet, to express thoughts and feelings about life, love and religion. These popular sounds capture been created without the interference of outside multinational markets, press agents and spin doctors. Reggae music is created with incredible amounts of soul and pride. It is more than just music, it is a way of life for those who live in Jamaica and many others around the world.Reggae music is soulful entertainment in Jamaica today, its a powerful social force that represents the pressures of everyday life putting them into run-in that describe, reveal and persuade the people that listen to its powerful messages. The music originated from confrontation and struggle, its based on freedom and neve r giving up. Politicians have been do to use reggae music as the central part of their campaigns. Prime Ministers have had songwriters create songs for their political campaigns, knowing full well that this music can comfortably bring crowds of people together, while uniting a country, and political party at the same time. The music of Jamaica began five centuries ago, when Columbus colonized the land of the Arawak Indians. This dates the derail of burdensomeness by first the Spanish and then the English in this area of the Caribbean. Blacks were brought in as slaves by the English, and although Jamaica has had its independence since 1963, the tension of authority and bid still reigns. Jamaica is a story of injustice, international influence, ineffective governing, and unequal distribution of wealth all of these elements provide a solid base for the theme of oppression and the need for a revolution and redemption in Jamaican music. Reggae in particular reflects these injustices , and the feelings, needs and desires to change the lifestyle that Jamaicans have historically lived. Reggae music has both meanings. Its generic name for all Jamaican popular music since 1960 (West Indian style of music with a strongly accented subsidiary beat, accord to the Oxford dictionary) Reggae can also refer to the particular beat that was extremely popular in Jamaica from around 1969 to 1983. Jamaican music can be divided into quartet areas that carry their own distinctive beat.

Essay --

Definition wetter flooding is injection of one or more liquid chemicals and surfactants. The phase demeanour properties in the oil reservoir is effectively controlled by the surfactant, which then help to mobilize the trapped crude oil by reducing interfacial tightness (IFT) between the injected liquid and the oil. So for the oil to move through the narrow capillary pores a very low oil or water IFT is needed. Surfactant flooding also increases the economic productivity. In order to improve the properties of the surfactant solution, co-surfactants are being mixed up into the liquid surfactant solution. This co-surfactant actually acts as a promoter or as an active agent in the mixed surfactant solution. This is to provide optimal conditions with respect to temperature, pressure and salinity. Reservoir has a certain physical characteristic, thus due to this characteristics e.g. adsorption the binding of molecules to the rock and trapping of the fluid in the pore structure, considera ble losses of the surfactant may occur. The stability of the surfactant system at reservoir cond...

Essay --

DefinitionSurfactant flooding is injection of one or more liquid chemicals and surfactants. The phase behaviour properties in the fossil oil reservoir is effectively controlled by the surfactant, which then help to mobilize the trapped crude oil by reducing interfacial tension (IFT) between the injected liquid and the oil. So for the oil to move through the narrow capillary centralises a very pitiable oil or water IFT is needed. Surfactant flooding also increases the economic productivity. In order to improve the properties of the surfactant solution, co-surfactants are being mixed up into the liquid surfactant solution. This co-surfactant actually acts as a promoter or as an active agent in the mixed surfactant solution. This is to provide optimal conditions with respect to temperature, pressure and salinity. Reservoir has a certain physical characteristic, thus due to this characteristics e.g. adsorption the binding of molecules to the rock and trapping of the fluid in the pore structure, considerable losses of the surfactant may occur. The stability of the surfactant system at reservoir cond...

Earl of Warwick in revolt against Edward IV by 1469 Essay

Richard Neville, Earl of Warwick has been labelled by historic tradition, with some justification, as the queen mole ratmaker. It is with his support that Edward IV was commensurate claim the throne from Henry VI, Warwicks support during the Wars of the Roses, and particularly at the Battle of Towton was vital in putting the first Yorkist force on the throne. It is prepare that he was instrumental in Edwards rise to the throne, however his contribution has sometimes been overemphasised. Pickering suggests that their alliance in taking the throne was equal, the victories Edwards own and even that Edward perk upmed more unspoilt in battle than his ally. He says Edward was neither made by Warwick, nor controlled by him. Nevertheless, his relationship with Richard, some(prenominal) as an ally and a friend, must have been actually good. What lead him then, less than a decade later, to revolt against Richard in support of the exiled Henry VI?The first thing to understand about Wa rwick was his character and to see that it was pure ambition that set him. With the romanticism that the epithet Kingmaker implies, one could picture him as the noble-knight. However he seems to have remote from the vignette that is perceived from the enunciate Kingmaker. Keen says of him Warwick was not a wholly attractive character. His temper was short, and when thwarted he was sullenly unforgiving. The Old English Chronicle (edited by T.Hearne) describes the unquenched ambition that drove him his insatiable mind could not be contentthere was none in England who was before him or who owned half the possessions that he didyet he desired more.It is with the possessions and the patronage that Richard Nevilles grievances with the king started to appear. Edward IV, as previously explained, came to the throne very much as Warwicks protg. He must have thought that with Edward on the throne he would have a controlling square up over the king, and with this influence the obvious power he so desired.Warwick was rewarded handsomely for his continued support, given titles and territories such as Captain of Calais, admiral of England and constable of Dover Castle, all of which were very important (and powerful) posts. He was by far the mightiest of Richards subjects, however he lacked the monopoly of Royal power that he yearned for, as royal patronage was (rightfully) extended to other leading Yorkists. Most prominently was Warwicks stewardship of the duchy of Lancaster, given to Lord Hastings, and the lieutenancy of Southern Wales which was given to the recently knighted, Sir William Herbert.Despite this set back for Warwick, he lock in was in full support of Edward, and to some bound had control of Edwards thinking. Edward was still a relatively young king, and Warwick was there for advice, and with help in making decisions. Warwicks support was also necessary for Edward, as his kingship was still under-threat in the north and west by Margaret of Anjous continue d attempts to re-instate her husband to the throne. This drove Edward and Warwick together march on more during the early old age of Edwards reign, and indeed in 1462 Warwick seemed to have won a decisive battle for Edward. He forced the lords in Bramburgh (including Somerset and Sir Ralph Percy) to surrender to Edwards allegiance, on the condition that their lands were re-instated. Although this was not the final problems Edward face up from the Lancastrian supporters during his reign, it showed that in 1462, Warwick was firmly behind Edward as King of Britain.A factor which historians have usually put forward as a major cause of Warwicks treachery is Edwardss spousals to Elizabeth Woodville. In 1464, Warwick was, to further the kings alliance to France, arranging a marriage between the King and a cut Princess. In the final stages of these arrangements, on 14th September 1464, Edward revealed to Warwick and the rest of his assembled nobles at the council in Reading, that he w as already married to Elizabeth.The assembled magnets were stunned and horrified at the news, and it especially hurtful to Warwick whos embarrassment over the whole French alliance marriage affair must have been huge. The chronicle of the time (Edited by J.Warkworth), says that afterwards the announcement (The Earl of Warwick was) greatly displeased with the kingAnd yet they were reconciled several times but they never loved each other afterwards wizard must however beware of putting, as traditionally been done, too much emphasise on this marriage as a flip overing point in the relationships between Edward IV and Richard Neville. It is certainly a major factor in the breakdown of their relationship, however one must take into account that it occurred five years before Warwicks revolt, and Warwick, at least publicly, still supported the king during these years.Having said this, Richards marriage, though romantic and loving, was a serious, irresponsible mistake for a king to make. E lizabeth was, by Richardss standards, a commoner. Edward was the first king since the Norman Conquest to marry a commoner however this was not really the problem it was that he missed out on strengthening his position as king by arranging a more policy-making marriage. Furthermore by marrying a Woodville, he alienated his other major noble families, especially the Nevilles. The Woodvilles, much to Warwicks and others annoyance, managed with this marriage to promote their family to the upper echelons of the English aristocracy. It also enabled them to marry finish off some of their lesser relations to be married to either nobility or families of a very high standing which further enhanced their political position.The marriage did have significant repercussions for the relationship of Edward and Richard, however Keen points out, that rather than the damage the marriage itself caused, it was the undermining of Warwicks plans that led to their relationship,If the marriage of the king put a period to his friendly association with Warwick-and it did-this was not, it would seem, because of its domestic repercussions, but because it was a direct challenge to Warwicks continual statecraft.It was not, as the quotation states, because of the repercussions of the marriage domestically that Warwick felt up aggrieved, rather it was because it aired publicly and formally for the first time Edwardss difference in opinion with Warwick about the foreign policy that they should employ. It was clear from Warwicks failed attempt to marry Richard off to a French Princess that Warwick was in favour of Edward forming an alliance with Englands traditional enemies, the French. Indeed, he had been in regular contact with Louis XI of France, in an attempt to broker an alliance between France and England. Richard, conversely, wanted put his support in his present enemy, the Burgundians.This was a contentious issue for the King to hump with, his leading advisor, whose protg, he was, ha d completely antithetical views upon the very important issue of foreign relations, and it was hear that Edward proved that he was no longer dependent, or felt indebt of Warwick. He favoured the Burgundian option, and ignoring Richardss pressure, he applied for and was granted a double subsidiary from the parliament to help support the Burgundians and revive English Continental ambitions. Edward was maturing into his own king and he began to take more and more control over the running of the kingdom. Conversely of course, Richard Nevilles influence over the king was rapidly diminishing, and with this influence the power he so lusted after.It was this Maturity, and the lack of power that Warwick was afforded that ultimately, I believe led to Warwicks treachery. He had, when Edward was young, influenced and controlled the King. He had had his power that his personality demanded, however as Edward matured he started to take things into his own hands, which Richard, having tasted power, could not take. To make matters worse for Richard, power was being taken away from him and given to other nobility. His siblings were being passed over for marriage that was being afforded to others, and although his brother, George Neville, was enthroned as archbishop of York in September 1465, he felt his and his families power-base was faltering. It was here that Warwick decided to act, for the first time, against the king, in an attempt to enhance his standing.Firstly Warwick continued to carry on with Louis XI. Keen describes Warwicks actions,For four years he instead continued to pursue with Louiss encouragement what was in effect a private diplomacy of his own, independent and opposed to that of the kingHe was effectively siding against his own king, believing the French to be more powerful than the Burgundians and also enhancing his own power-base if he ever wanted to challenge the king (which he goes onto do).At much the same time, however, Warwick was engineering the mar riage, against the Kings wishes, of his daughter, Isabel, to the kings younger brother and presumptive heir, George, Duke of Clarence. He would, if this marriage went ahead, become immediately more powerful, and a pose a threat to the Woodvilles dominance. Clarence, like Warwick, was extremely ambitious and would do almost anything to further his own cause. By the spring of 1469 Warwick and Clarence were in league with one another and also with Louis XI to undermine the Woodvilles, and possibly to over throw the king. Pickering says Clarence encouraged Warwick to turn against the King and helped spread the rumour that his brother was not Duke Richards son but the bastard of an archer called BlaybourneThis rumour was almost certainly unfounded, yet both risked turning against their own king They did this for their own gain, one with the view of taking his brothers place as king, the other with the view to once again controlling the king himself. Thus in July 1469, Clarence defied his brothers wishes and married Isabel and on the 12th July, Warwick, with the support of his brother Archbishop Neville and George, Duke of Clarence, published the Calais Manifesto.

Product Based Learning

After more than 15 years in Singapore, I will be returning to Australia. Helping to start an institution that was committed to the philosophy and institutionalise of programmable cultivation has been tremendously enriching in many ways trying to understand the unique nature of different disciplinary knowledge when crafting problems deconstructing facilitation practice in classrooms made up of diverse students designing faculty development activities that try to foster and model critical and reflective practice and the creation of learning spaces, both concrete and virtual, all of which assist in the achievement of learning.My immersion in the practice and empirical research of PL has forced me to wrestle almost insouciant with philosophical questions that be not easily resolved. I share two such questions that have motivated constant facial expression about PL. Question 1 What is the self in self-directed learning? Aristotle, Kant, Descartes, Habeas and Hegel all allude to the importance of the concept of self in any theory of human development and learning. In PL on that point is a strong emphasis on the self directing learning. The appeal for self-directness is very compelling, yet hard to get a handle on.Contemporary sociological texts suggest we are constantly constructing our sense of self. So how does a PL facilitator understand the students ever- changing sense of self so this can be acted upon, or, perhaps more fundamentally, how does the student earn a notion of self in a manner that would drive his or her learning? Furthermore if the self is embodied by the rational, the emotional, and biological attributes of an individual, how do these combine to inform self-directness? Question 2 How do PL institutions and facilitators affect the behavior of learners?When PL is implemented at an institutional level, it stems from the life that PL can affect the behaviors of students to achieve authoritative desired outcomes what should be valued in the pu rsuit of change? The various traditions in psychology and sociology address the question of how to affect behavior differently, I. E. , whether the emphasis is on altering the internal state, or the manipulation of external and social environments. Parker Palmer takes this divide further and asks is meaningful change from the human heart (the subjective) or from factors external from us (what is regarded as objective)?Add to that the belief that knowledge is socially constructed, and a yard of epistemological and ontological questions arise. In addressing these types of complex philosophical questions that underpin PL, have give myself, at times, confounded by the intricacies of the competing philosophical positions. This can lead, if one is not careful, to a paralysis wherein we choose to either dismiss PL as an idea that is as well hard to come to terms with, or accept PL as method for teaching that is simply followed.I addressed the danger of the latter in a newsprint presented in 2004 at the 5th Asia Pacific Conference in PL An explicit philosophy of teaching grounded in the beliefs of what is knowledge and learning, while also taking into the sum up the context within which a teacher operates, can provide the basis of a conviction for ones actions, an anchor that can secure the teacher when faced with the resistivity that naturally occurs in trying to enact a vision of a better education. This is especially so for those trying to implement or sustain PL in the hallowed halls of reproductive pedagogy.Without a philosophical basis of PL the educator is placed in a perplexed situation of trying to defend the house create on sand with the tide washing in. In deciding to flee from the UN- enable fight he becomes akin to a nomadic wanderer trenchant the waste lands of instrumentalist drifting from one pedagogical fad to the next but being unable to establish a foundation long abundant to ensure when the next wave of what is good education hits the beach that they are not swept up by it. I share these philosophical questions, as hand the baton over to the new editor of Reflections on PL Karen Gogh, with the purpose of pointing out how there is a continued need to persist in the reflection of PL both empirically and philosophically. In this edition we feature highlights from the 3rd International Symposium on Problem-eased Learning and include two research papers that were presented at the symposium. I really valued the symposium as we collectively grappled with the philosophical and practical issues of PL.

Rethinking Anthropology – E. R. Leach

RETHINKING ANTHROPOLOGY LONDON SCHOOL OF ECONOMICS MONOGRAPHS ON SOCLL ANTHROPOLOGY Managing Editor Anthony Fore The Monographs in on complaisant Anthropology were established modem The by 1940 and aim to publish results of anthropological research of primary interest to surplusists. continuation of the series was made come-at-able from the Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research, and more recently by a further grant from the Governors of the London a grant in aid School of economic science and Political Science. re under the direction of an Board associated with the Department of Anthropology of the London School of Economics and Political Science. Editorial The Monographs LONDON SCHOOL OF ECONOMICS MONOGRAPHS ON SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY No. 22 Rethinking Anthropology by E. R. LEACH UNIVERSITY OF LONDON THE ATHLONE PRESS NEW YORK HUMANITIES PRESS INC Published by THE ATHLONE PRESS UNIVERSITY OF LONDON at 2 Gotcer Street, Distri nonwithstandinged by Tiptree London wci Boo k Services Ltd Tiptree, Essex First edition, 1961 First paperback edition with corrections, 1966 Reprinted, 1968, 1971 E. R. L for each star, 1961, 1971 U. K. U. K. sB N o 485 19522 4 cloth sB N B o 485 19622 o paperback U. S. A. s N 391 00146 9 paperback First printed in 1961 by ROBERT CUNNINGHAM AND SONS LTD ALVA Reprinted by photo-litho by bath DICKENS & CO LTD NORTHAMPTON 4- M75 Preface The title of this collection properly belongs only to the stolon essay. On 3 December 1959 1 had the honour to deliver the first Malinovvski Memorial Lecture at the London School of Economics. The Editorial Board of the London School of Economics Monographs in Social Anthropology enerously offered to publish the text of my r all(prenominal)y only added the flattering suggestion t assume I should reprint a number of my some other essays at the same time. I throw off accordingly appropriated the title of my Mali presentlyski gravel for the whole collection. I do not pretend wholly consisten t with that The essays extend over a period of fifteen years and is that the vision channel of the in vogue(p) (Chapter i) of the earliest (Chapter 2) provided there is, I think, a certain continuity of theme and method in all of them. When they were first written all these essays were attempts to consider anthropology.All be concerned with conundrums of others, I theory and are based on ethnographic details recorded by my make contri scarcelyion being primarily that of analyst. In each case countenance tried to reassess the known facts in the light of unorthodox assumpSuch heresy seems to me to have merit for its own sake. Unconventional arguments often incline out to be wrong but provided they provoke wrangleion they may mute have lasting value. By that criterion each of the essays in this bear is a possible candidate for attention. tions. Among kindly anthropologists the is game f building new theories on the ruins of old angiotensin converting enzymes almost an oc cupational disease. Contemporary arguments in loving anthropology are built out of machinateulae concocted by Malinowski, Radcliffe-Brown and Levi-Strauss who in turn were only rethinking Rivers, Durkheim and Mauss, who borrowed from Morgan, McLennan and Robertson- Smith the total outcome of all and so on. Sceptics may think that scorn all this ratiocination adds up to precise little(a) our pedagogical subtleties, the diversities of human custom remain as bewildering as ever. just now that we admit.The contemporary kind anthropologist is all too well aware that he knows much less than Frazer imagined that he knew for certain. But that perhaps is the mind. The contributions to anthropological pedantry collected in this book add little to the sum of human knowledge but if they provoke whatsoever lectors to doubt their maven of certainty then they will have served their purpose. A note on the interconnections between the distinct document draft of Chapter 2 may prove stil l helpful. The first was written in 1943 while I was on VI PREFACE and still in direct contact with Jinghpaw speakers. ppeared in the 1945 volume of the J. R. A. I, this was not actually published until 1950. These details of dating are relevant because they explain why my paper contains no reference to Chapters 15 and i6 of Levi-Strauss, Les structures elementaires de la parente (1949) and reciprocally why the latter work ignores the new in exerciseation provided by my paper. Chapter 3, which was originally a Curl Prize Essay, was completed in the spring of 195 1 and seems to have been the first English language commentar) on Levi-Strausss magnum opus though, presumably, my paper and J.P. B. de Josselin de Jongs monograph Levi-Strausss Theory on Kinship and Marriage (1952) were going through the press at the same time. Although I here criticized Levi-Strauss on the grounds of ethnographical inaccuracy my sympathy with his general supposed point of view is very great. prof Levi-St rauss has himself noted the similarity between the view of social structure implicit in my first Jinghpaw paper (Chapter 2) and his own (Levi-Strauss, 1953, p. 525 n), and in all my subsequent publications my debt to Levi-Strauss is obvious.The relationship of Chapter 4 to early literature will be apparent from the references in the text. Although it was not mean to be controversial it evoke Dr Kathleen Gough into a vigorous reply (Gough, 1959). The crucial part of my argument here is that I emphasize the need to distinguish between affinity regarded as an alliance between corporate kin groups and those indivi double affinal ties which bind a particular wife to a particular husband. This theme recurs in Chapter 5 and again in active military service t Although Chapter i. Chapter 5, as indicated in the text, is linked with a long correspondence which appeared in the pages of Man in 1953 and 1954 but the response which it evoked from my closing academic colleagues is only margin ally connected with this earlier discussion. Dr goody has denounced my whole argument as grounded in fundamental demerit (Goody, 1959, p. 86) and Professor Fortes has taken up most of 2 issues of Man to expound my fallacies and confusions (Fortes, 1959b).Both these explosions of academic wrath were provoked by a single sentence in my essay, namely Thus Fortes, while recognizing that ties of affinity have comparable importance to ties of consanguinity, disguises the former under his expression complementary filiation (see below p. 122). The exact sense in which this statement is an error is still not clear to me for in the course of his denunciation Fortes reaffirms his view that complementary filiation is a function of affinal relations (Fortes, 1959b, p. 209) which is hardly the argument I sought to controvert. Professor Fortes has called his article *a rejoinder to Leach, and readers of Chapter i of this book need to appreciate that a among other things in it is intended as rejoinder to Fortes. Reference to a short note Man (i960. Art. 6) will perhaps help to make this clear. The dickens short papers on time symbolism reprinted in Chapter 6 do PREFACE influence of Professor Levi-Strauss Vll not form a series with the other chapters of the book though again the is pronounced. Although my Cronus and Chronos appeared in print in 1953 while Levi-Strausss The Structural Study of Myth was only published in 1956, I had in fact already perceive Professor Levi-Strausss lecture on this topic before I wrote my essay.Explorations, the Toronto University publication in which my Chapter 6 was originally published, carried on its fly leaf the statement that it was designed, not as a permanent reference journal that embalms truth for posterity, but as a publication that explores and searches and questions and twain(prenominal) my papers are correspondingly sketch and tentative. Nevertheless a number of my friends have suggested that the arguments they contain ar e of more than ephemeral interest hence the reissue here Chapter i contains a immense amount of matter which was not include in the spoken text of my Malinowski lecture. The other essays appear as originally printed, provided for the correction of misprints, and one or two very minor alterations intended to clarify the argument. The Introductory Notes at the beginning of Chapters 2-6 are new. Acknowledgements I am indebted to the Council of the Royal Anthropological play of Great Britain and Ireland for permission to reprint the essays published here as Chapters 2, 3, 4 and 5 and to Professor E. S. Carpenter and the University of Toronto for permission to reprint the two short essays included in Chapter 6.I am indebted to a personal grant in aid from the Behavioral Sciences Division of the Ford Foundation for facilities utilize while preparing * j - these papers for publication. E. R. L. Contents 1. RETHINKING ANTHROPOLOGY I 2. JINGHPAW KINSHIP TERMINOLOGY THE STRUCTURAL IMPLI CATIONS OF MATRILATERAL CROSS-COUSIN MARRIAGE 28 3. 54 4. POLYANDRY, INHERITANCE AND THE DEFINITION OF marriage with PARTICULAR REFERENCE TO SINHALESE frequent LAW ASPECTS OF BRIDEWEALTH AND MARRIAGE STABILITY IO5 5. AMONG THE KACHIN AND LAKHER 6. II4 TWOESSAYS CONCERNING THE SYMBOLIC REPRESENTATION OF TIME (i) 124 Cronus and Chronos, 124 (ii) Time and False Noses, 132 Rethinking Anthropology my arrogant title. Since 1930 British Anthropology has embodied a well defined compensate of musical themes and - target areas which derive directly from the teaching of Malinowski and Radcliffe-Brown this unity of aim is summed up in the statement that British social anthropology is functionalist and concerned with the comparative analysis of social structures. But during the last year or so it has begun to look as if this particular aim had worked itself out.Most of my colleagues are giving up the attempt to make comparative generalizations kinda they have begun to write impeccably detail ed historical ethno- tET Social me begin by explaining graphies of particular peoples. I regret this new tendency for I still believe that the findings of anthro- pologists have general as well as particular implications, but functionalist principle ceased to carry conviction? why has the understand what is receiveing in social anthropology I believe we need to go unspoiled back to the beginning and rethink basic issues really elementary matters such as To hat we mean by marriage or descent or the unity of difficult siblings, and that is for basic concepts are basic The the ideas one has close them are late entrenched and firmly held. One bias of the things we need to recognize is the strength of the empirical which Malinowski introduced into social anthropology and which essential core of social anthropology has stayed with us ever since. is consciousness of the way of life of a single particular people. This fieldwork is an extremely personal traumatic kind of experience and the personal involvement of the anthropologist in his work is reflected in what he produces.When we read Malinowski we get the impression that he is stating something which is of general importance. Yet how can this be? He is simply writing about Trobriand Islanders. Somehow he has so assimilated himself into the Trobriand situation that he is able to make the Trobriands fieldwork a microcosm of the whole ancient world. successors for Firth, Primitive citizen of the And the same is true of his is Man is a Tikopian, for Fortes, he a Ghana. The existence of this prejudice has long been recognized / but we have paid inadequate attention to its consequences.The difficulty of achieving comparative generalizations is directly linked with the problem of escaping from ethnocentric bias. 2 RETHINKING ANTHROPOLOGY As is appropriate to an occasion I when we honour the memory of Bronislaw MaUnowski, am going to be thoroughly egotistical. I shall imply there my own is merit by condemning th e work of in my closest friends. But purpose is to distinguish between two rather similar varieties of comparative generalization, both of which turn up from time to time in contemporary British social anthropology.One of these, which I dis wish, derives from the work of Radcliffe-Brown the other, which I admire, derives from the work of Levi-Strauss. It is important that the differences between these two flakes be properly understood, so I shall draw my illustrations in sharp contrast, all black and all white. In this harsh and exaggerated form Professor Levi-Strauss method my malice. My magnate well repudiate the authorship of the ideas which I am trying to convey. Hence my egotism let the blame be wholly mine. My problem is simple.How can a modern social anthropologist, with all the work of Malinowski and Radcliffc-Brown and their successors at his elbow, embark upon generalization with whatsoever hope of arriving at a satisfying windup? My answer is quite simple too it is th is By thinking of the organizational ideas that are present in any hunting lodge as constituting a numeric pattern. The rest of what I have to say that is simply an elaboration of this cryptic statement. concern is with generalization, not with maintained that the objective of social anthropology was the comparison of social structures.In explaining this he asserted that when we distinguish and compare different types of social structure we are doing the same kind of thing as when we distinguish different kinds of sea blast according to their structural type (RadcliffeBrown, 1953, p. 109). Generalization is quite a different kind of mental First let me emphasize my comparison. Radcliffe-Brown operation. let me illustrate this point. two points can be joined by a straight line and you can represent this straight line mathematically by a smG. first order algebraic equality. whatever three points can be joined by a circle and you can represent this circle by a quadratic or second o rder algebraic equation. It would be a generalization to go straight on from there and say any Any n points in a plane can be joined by a curve which can be represented by an equation of order n-i. This would be just a guess, but it would be true, and it is a kind of truth which no amount of comparison can ever reveal. compare and generalization are both forms of scientific activity, but different. Comparison is a matter of romance collecting of socio-economic classification, of the rrangement of things according to their types and subtypes. The followers of Radcliffe-Brown are anthropological butterfly collectors and their approach to their data has certain consequences. For example, according to RadclifTe- Browns principles we ought to think of Trobriand society RETHINKING ANTHROPOLOGY as 3 classification a society of a particular structural type. The office proceed thus Main Type Sub-type Sub-sub-type societies societies societies composed of unilineal descent groups. comp osed of matrilineal descent groups. composed of matrilineal descent groups in which he get hitched with males of the matrilineage live together in one place and apart from the females of the matrilineage, and so on. In this outgrowth each class preceding it is a sub-type of the class immediately in the tabulation. its uses, but it has very serious has no logical limits. Ultimately discriminated in this way as a sub-type Now I every just agree that analysis of this kind has is limitations. One major defect known society can be that it from any other, and since anthropologists are notably weak about what they mean by a society, this will lead them to distinguish more and more ocieties, almost ad infinitum. This is not just hypothesis. My colleague Dr Goody has gone to great pains to distinguish as types two adjacent societies in the Northern Gold Coast which he calls LoWiili and LoDagaba. A careful reader of Dr Goodys works will discover, however, that these two societies are dis tinct simply the way that field Dr Goody notes from two has chosen to describe the fact that his neighbouring communities show some curious discrepancies. If limit Dr Goodys methods of analysis were pushed to the we should be able to show that every village community throughout is he world constitutes a distinct society which distinguishable as a type from any other (Goody, 1956b). Another serious objection is that the typology makers never explain why they choose one skirt of reference rather than another. RadcliffeBrovsTis instructions were simply that it is necessary to compare societies the economic dodging, the with reference to one particular aspect . . . political form, or the kinship system . . . this is same to formula that you can arrange your butterflies according to their colour, or their size, or the shape of their wings according to the him of the moment, but no matter what you do this will be science. Well perhaps, in a sense, it is but you must realize that your prior arrangement creates an initial bias from which it is subsequently extremely difficult to escape (Radcliffe-Brown, 1940, p. xii). Social anthropology is packed with frustrations of it this kind. An obvious Ever since example is the category opposition patrilinear/matrilineal. has been customary for anthropologists to distinguish unilineal from non-unilineal descent systems, and writing of the Iroquois, Morgan began among that it the former to distinguish patrilineal societies from atrilineal societies. is These categories now seem to us so rudimentary and obvious extremely difficult to break out of the straitjacket of thought which the categories themselves impose. 4 RETHINKING ANTHROPOLOGY Yet if our approach is to be genuinely unbiased we must be prepared to consider the possibihty that these type categories have no sociological significance whatsoever. It may be that to create a class labelled matrtis as irrelevant for our understanding of social structure as the creation of a class blue butterflies is irrelevant for the understanding of the anatomical structure of lepidoptera.I dont say it is so, but it may be it is lineal societies time that we considered the possibility. J I warn you, the rethinking of basic category assumptions can be very disconcerting. But Let me cite a case. Dr Audrey Richardss well-known contribution to African Systems of Kinship and Marriage is an essay in Radcliffe-Brownian typology making which is rightly regarded as one of the musts of undergraduate reading (Richards, 1950). In this essay Dr Richards asserts that societies is the problem of matrilineal the difficulty of combining cognizance of descent through the oman with the rule of exogamous marriage, and she classifies a variety of matrilineal societies according to the way this problem is solved. In effect her classification turns on the fact that a womans husband the two men. jointly deliver rights in the womans brother and a womans children but that matrilineal systems differ in the way these rights are allocated between is the prior category assumptions. Men have kinds of society, so why should it be vex on from the start that brothers-in-law in matrilineal societies have special prob- What I object to in this ll brothers-in-law in lems which are absent in patrilineal or zygomorphic structures? really What has lay a matrilineal society, she has decided to restrict her comparative obser-ations to matrilineal systems. Then, having selected a group of societies which have nothing in common except that they are matrilineal, she is naturally led to conclude that matrilineal descent is the major factor to which all the other items of cultural behaviour which she happened here with the Bemba, is that, because Dr Richardss own special knowledge describes are functionally adjusted.Her argument I am afraid is a tautology her system of classification already implies the truth of what she claims to be demonstrating. This illustrates how Radcliffe -Browns systematic assumptions fit in with the ethnocentric bias which I mentioned earlier. Because the typefinding social anthropologist conducts his whole argument in terms of tempted particular instances rather than of generalized patterns, he is forever to attach exaggerated significance to those features of social organization which happen to be prominent in the societies of which he himself has first hand experience. The ase of Professor Fortes illustrates this is same point in rather a different way. His quest not so much for types as for prototypes. It so happens that the two societies of which he has made a close study have certain similarities of structural pattern for, while the Tallensi are patri- RETHINKING ANTHROPOLOGY lineal 5 and the Ashanti matrilineal, both Tallensi and Ashanti come unfiliation, usually close to having a system of double unilineal descent. Professor Fortes has devised a special concept, complementary which helps him to describe this double unilin eal element in the Tallensi/Ashanti pattern while rejecting the idea that these societies actually possess double unilineal systems (Fortes, 1953, p. 33 1959b). It is interesting to note the circumstances which led to the development of this concept. From one point of view complementary filiation is simply an inverse form of Malinowskis notion of sociological paternity as applied in the matrilineal context of Trobriand society. But Fortes has done more than invent a new name for an old idea he has made it the corner stone of a substantial body of theory and this theory arises logically special circumstances of his own field experience.In his earlier writings the Tallensi are often represented as having a somewhat extreme form of patrilineal ideology. Later, in contrast to from the Rattray, Fortes placed an unambiguously matrilineal label upon the Ashanti. view, is The that merit of complementary it is filiation, from Fortess point of a concept which applies equally well to both of these contrasted societies but does not conflict with his thesis that both the Tallensi and the Ashanti have systems of unilineal descent. The concept ecame necessary to him precisely because he had decided at the start that the more familiar and more obvious notion of double unilineal descent was inappropriate. In retrospect Fortes seems to have decided that double unilineal descent is a special development of complementary filiation, the latter being a feature of all unilineal descent structures. That such category distinctions are contrived rather than natural is evident from Goodys additional discrimination. Goody asserts that the LoWiili have complementary descent rather than a dual descent system.Since the concept of complementary filiation was first introduced so as to help in the distinction between filiation and descent and since the adjective complementary cannot here be given moment except by reference to the word descent, the total argument is clearly tautologous (Forte s, 1945, pp. 134, 20of 1950, p. 287 1953, p. 34 1959 Goody, 1956b, p. 77). Now I do not claim that Professor Fortes is mistaken, but I think he is misled by his prior suppositions. If making and from enthnocentric science. we are to bias we must let escape both from typology turn to a different kind ofInstead of comparison repeat. Generalization us have generalization instead of inductive it butterfly collecting let us have inspired guesswork. Let me is consists in perceiving it is possible general laws in the circumstances of special cases guesswork, a gamble, you may be wrong or you may be right, but if you happen to be right you have learnt something altogether new. In contrast, arranging butterflies according to their types and sub-types is tautology. It merely reasserts something you know already in a slightly different form. 6 RETHINKING ANTHROPOLOGY But if you are going is o start guessing, you need I to know how to guess. . d this wliat I am getting at when say that the form of thinking should be mathematical. Functional ism in a mathematical sense is not concerned with the interconnections between parts of a whole but with the principles of operation of partial systems. There is a direct conflict here with the dogmas of Malinowski and Malinowskis functionalism required us to think of each Society (or Culture, as Malinowski would have put it) as a totality Radcliffe-Brown. of a made up kinds number of discrete empirical things, of rather diverse institutions, e. g. groups of people, customs. These things are functionally interconnected to form a delicately balanced mechanism rather like the various parts of a wrist watch. cliffe- The functionalism of Rad- Brown was equally mechanical though the focus of interest was different. RadclifTe-Brown was concerned, as it were, to distinguish wrist watches clocks, whereas Malinowski was interested in the general attributes of clockwork. But hath masters took as their starting point the notion that a culture or a society is an empirical whole made up rom grandfather of a limited two societies number of promptly identifiable parts and that when we compare we are concerned to see whether or not the same kinds of is parts are present in both cases. This approach a mechanic but appropriate for a zoologist or for a botanist or for it is not the approach of a mathematician nor of an engineer and, in gineer. my view, the anthropologist has much in common with the en- But that is my private bias. I was originally trained as an engineer. The entities which we call societies are not naturally existing species, uncomplete re they man-made mechanisms. But the analogy of a mechanism has quite as much relevance as the analogy of an organism. This is not the place to discuss the history of the organic analogy as a model for Society, but its arbitrariness is often forgotten. Hobbes, who developed his notion of a social organism in a very systematic way, discusses in his preface whether a mechanical or an organic analogy might be the more appropriate for his purpose. He opts for an organism only because he wants to include in his model a metaphysical prime mover (i. . God Life Force) (Hobbes, 1957, p. 5). In contrast RadcHffe-Brown employed the organic analogy as a matter of dogma rather than of choice (e. g. Radcliffe-Brown, 1957, pp. 82-86 1940a, pp. 3, lo) and his butterfly collecting followers have accepted the appropriateness of the vocalise social organism without serious discussion. Against this complacency I must protest. It is certainly the case that social scientists must often resort all to analogy but eternity. we are not committed to one type of model making for Our task societies s to understand and explain what goes on in society, how work. If an engineer tries to explain to you how a digital computer RETHINKING ANTHROPOLOGY bolts. 7 works he doesnt spend his time classifying different kinds of nuts and He concerns himself with principles, not with things. He writ es out argument as a mathematical equation of the utmost simplicity, somewhat on the lines of o + i = i i + i = 10. No doubt this example is idle such computers embody their information in a code which is transmitted in positive and negative impulses denoted by the digital symbols o and i.The essential point is that although the information which can be embodied in such codes may be enormously complex, the basic principles on which the computing machines work is very simple. in any case I would maintain that quite simple mechanical models can have relevance for social anthropology despite the acknowledged fact that the detailed empirical facts of social life display the utmost complexity. I dont want to turn anthropology into a branch of mathematics but I believe we can learn a lot by starting to think about society in a mathehis matical way.Considered mathematically society is not an assemblage of things but an assemblage of variables. A good analogy would be with that branch o f mathematics known as topology, which may crudely be described as the geometry of elastic rubber sheeting. If I have a piece of rubber sheet and draw a series of lines on it to symbolize the functional interconnections of some set of social phenomena and I then start stretching the rubber about, I can change the manifest shape of my original geometrical figure out of all recognition and yet clearly there is a sense in which it is the same figure all the time.The constancy of pattern is not manifest as an objective empirical fact but it is there as a mathematical generalization. By analogy, generalized structural patterns in anthropology are not restricted to societies of any one manifest structural type. you will tell me that topology is one of those which mere sociologists had best avoid, but I am not in fact proposing anything original. A very good simple account of the nature of topology appears in an article under that title in the current edition of the encyclopaedia Britanni ca.The author himself makes the point that because topology is a non-metrical form of mathematics it deserves especial attention from social scientists. I Now know that a lot of dire scientific mysteries The fundamental Any closed curve is arc of a circle is the variable in topology the is the degree of liaison. same as any other regardless of its shape the same as a straight line because each is open ended. Contrariwise, a closed curve has a greater degree of connectedness than an arc. If of pattern case if we apply these ideas to sociology particular relationships e cease to be interested in and concern ourselves instead with the regularities relationships. is among neighbouring In the simplest possible there be a relationship p which intimately associated with another relationship q then in a topological study we shall not concern ourselves 8 RETHINKING ANTHROPOLOGY with the particular characteristics of/) and q but with their mutual characteristics, i. e. with the algebraic ra tio pq. But it must be understood that the relationships and sets of relationships which are symbolized in this way cannot properly be given specific numeral values.The reader should bear this point in mind when he encounters the specimens of pseudo-mathematics which occur later in this paper. All propositions in topology can in addition be expressed as propositions in symbolic logic (see Carnap, 1958, chapter G) and it was probably a consideration of this fact which led Nadel to introduce symbolic logic into own view is that while the consideration book (Xadel, 1957). of mathematical and logical models may help the anthropologist to order his last My his theoretical arguments in an all this intelligent way, his actual procedure s should be non-mathematical. The pattern relevance of to my main theme that the saTne structural may turn up in any kind of society patrilineal a mathematical approach matrilineal makes no prior assumption that from non-unilineal systems or structures. al l unilincal systems are basically different structures from the contrary, the principle of parity leads us to discount rigid category distinctions of this kind. On Let me try to illustrate I for the occasion shall take my point with an example. To be my example from Malinowski. Malinowski reported, as a ppropriate Most of you will know that fact of empirical ethnography, that the Trobrianders profess ignorance of the connection between copulation and pregnancy and that this ignorance serves as a rational justification for their system of matrilineal descent. From the Trobriand point of view my father (tama) is not a blood relative at all but a kind of affine, *my mothers husband (Malinowski, 1932a, p. 5). However, alongside their dogmatic ignorance of the facts of life, Trobrianders also maintain that every child should resemble its mothers husband (i. . its father) but that no child could ever resemble a member of its own matrilineal kin. Malinowski seems to have thought it paradox ical that Trobrianders should hold both these doctrines at the same time. He was apparently bemused by the same kind of ethnocentric assumptions as later led a Tallensi informant to tell Professor Fortes that both parents transmit their blood to their offspring, as can be seen from the fact that Tallensi children may resemble all parent in looks (Fortes, 1949, p. 35 my italics). This is mixing up sociology and genetics.We know, and apparently the Tallensi assume, that physical appearance is genetically based, but there is no reason why primitive people in general should associate ideas of genetic inheritance with ideas about physical resemblance between persons. The explanation which the Trobrianders gave to Malinowski was that a father impresses his appearance on his son by cohabiting repeatedly with the mother and thereby moulding (kuli) the child in her womb (Malinowski, 1932a, p. 176) which is reminiscent of the Ashanti . RETHINKING ANTHROPOLOGY view that the father shapes the body of his child as might a potter (Rattray, 1929, p. 9). This Trobriand theory is quite consistent with the view that the father is related to the son only as mothers husband that is, an affine and not as a kinsman. There are other Trobriand doctrines which fall into line with this. The fathers sister is the prototype of the lawful woman (Malinowski, 1932a, p. 450) which seems to be more or less the equivalent of saying that the father (tama) is much the same sort of relation as a brother-in-law.Again, although, as Powell has shown (Powell, 1956, p. 314), marriage with the fathers sisters daughter is rare, the Trobrianders constantly assured Malinowski that this was a very right and proper marriage. Evidently in their view the category tama (which includes both father and fathers sisters son) is very close to that of lubou (brother-in-law) (Mal- inowski, 1932a, pp. 86, 451). The similarity is asserted not only in communicative expression but also in the pattern of economic oblig ation, for the harvest gift (urignbu) paid by a married man is due both to his mothers husband tama) and to his sisters husband (lubou) (Malinowski, 1935, I, pp. 386, 413-18). From my point of view this cluster of Trobriand beliefs and attitudes is a pattern of organizational ideas it specifies a series of categories, in a particular relationship and places them with one another as in an was biased by his down to earth empiricism, by European prejudices and by his interest in psycho-analysis, and he refused to accept tlie Trobriand doctrine at its face value. Instead he refurbished his concept of sociological paternity which he had originalgebraic equation.But Malinowski ally devised to fit a quite different context, that of patrilineal organization among On to the Australian Aborigines (Malinowski, 19 13, p. 170-83). this earlier occasion Malinowski had used sociological paternity relations show how between parents and children and between spouses derive from customary rules and no t from any ecumenic facts of biology or psychology, but in the later application of these ideas to Trobriand circumstances he shifts his ground and the argument becomes confused by the introduction of naive mental considerations. On the face of t sociological paternity, as used in The Sexual Life of attitudes Savages, seems to mean that even in a society which, like the Trobriands, sociological still denies the facts of biological paternity, pertain to paternity, as zve understand it, which far, may be found. So so good. But Malinowski goes further than this. Instead of arguing, as in the Australian case, that kinship attitudes have a purely social origin, he now insists that social attitudes to kinship arc facts. rooted in universal psychological The paternal relationship contains elements which are necessarily resent in the father/child relationship of all societies, no matter what the circumstances of custom and social structure confusing. may be. This is all very On the one ha nd the reader is is told quite plainly that the Trobriand child taught to think of his father as a non-relative, as an lO RETHINKING ANTHROPOLOGY individual with the special non-kinship status of mothers husband. But on the other hand the reader is forced to conclude that this IVobriand mothers husband is related to the mothers child as a sociological father, that is to say by ties of kinship as well as by tics of affinity.The argument, as a whole, is self-contradictory. is You may about. well think that this a yery hairsplitting point to make a fuss How can it possibly make any difference whether I think of a parti- cular male as my father or as is my mothers husband? Well, all I can say that anthropologists do Professor Fortes, Dr Goody and Dr Kathleen Gough on this subject that worry about such things. are so disturbed by my heretical yiews oflF time to try to bruise my owskis argument (Fortes, 1959)-

Food and Beverage Operations Essay

This agency that pot likker outlets can refuse entry and alcohol to any member of the pubmic without giving a reason. capitulum 2 * People orientated beverage conductors must be comfortable leading their employees and working with the public. a manager is expected to walk the understructure and talk to patrons. * Honesty in some cases beverage managers work for the leter of the establishment, who has entrusted his or her managers with the restaurants profits and supplies. Stealing from the establishment or opposite dishonesty is a fast way to lose the owners trust.* Organized a good beverage manager will know the key to success is preparations. This means ensuring beverages are fresh and ready to place when customers arrive, beverage managers must be strong administrators. * Flexibility a beverage manager may be demand to work late hours, especially if employed at a bar. You will need to be prepared for all situations. A good beverage manager has the below 5 characteristic s * Confidence * Honesty and integrity * Good management skills * To be able to work well under pressure * Reliability foreland 3.On-consumption an outlet where liquor is served over a counter or to table for the customers to consume on the premises. Off-consumption an outlet where liquor is sold to the public for consumption elsewhere. The liquor must be sold unopened in sealed containers. inquiry 4 A bar control system is important in outrank to attain correct and accurate agate line control. Question 5 Possible discrepancies are * You used the incorrect selling pr frosting in the calculations. * The issues and opening stock values could be incorrect * There could be spillages.* Stocks have been stolen as a result of poor security * The addition and extensions could be incorrect Question 6 (a) R1650(Cost) 100 R6000(sales)x 1= 25 (b) 75% Question 7 A cocktail is sipped whereas a shooter is drunk quickly. Question 8 Cocktails have since endure a very popular type of drink and operators have realized that consumers are more likely to try a new mix of cocktails which set forth from bar to bar. Question 9 To make it attractive. Question 10 The shake method is done in a cocktail shaker and is usually shaken with churl and strained into a glass.The stir method means the ingredients are added together and then stirred to ensure mixing in one of two slipway Mixed in the glass or mixed in a separate container and then strained into the serving glass. Question 11 This means that when a cocktail is shaken with ice, the ice thaws too quickly, diluting the liquor with water and making the drink weaker. Question 12 a) Rum 1) Cuba Libre 1 ? Tots white rum Top up with cola according to taste in a highball glass with ice. Lime or gamboge wedge to trim down. 2) Bacardi Cocktail 1 measure Bacardi rum ? measure grenadine ? lemon juice.Shake with ice and strain into a cocktail glass b) Brandy 1) Brandy Cocktail-1 ? measures brandy 1 measure cointreau 2 dashes of sug ar syrup 2 dashes of angostura bitters Add ice and stir gently, strain into a cocktail glass 2) Stinger 1 measure brandy 1 measure creme de menthe (white) Shake with ice and strain into a cocktail glass c) trap 1) Gin and It 1 measure dry gin 1 measure Italian vermouth Pour over ice unto a cocktail glass garnish with a cherry 2) Dry Martini-2 measures dry gin 1 measure dry vermouth Mix and stir gently and serve in a cocktail glass garnish with a twist of lemon and an olive.Question 13 1 ounces Whiskey 5 ounces Soda Water Mix ingredients in a highball glass two-thirds ripe of ice. Stir briskly and garnish with a lemon twist. Question 14 Balloon glass. South African liqueur brandy is wellington or old fashioned. Question 15 Sambuco is a liqueur, it is usually meant to be drunk before meals but people prefer to have them as shooters. It is most often served on their own in a liqueur glass or as part of a cocktail. Question 16 The binder made up of one peruse which holds the fille r together. Covers the inner part of the cigar completely.

Abnormal Psychology Reflection Essay

The objective of the mannikin was for a better understanding of affable disorders. This course has given me the ability to apply information learned about human experience, and relate it to psychopathology. During the semester I have learned various types of psychological perspectives and diverse treatment plans and by taking this class I have been given the tools, and skills to think critically about mental disorders.The course of anomalous psychology is a branch that deals with the description, causes, and treatment of abnormal behavior molds. Abnormal psychology is the thoughts or behavior that cause social, cognitive, emotional, and various other tribulations for an separate. When there is an abnormal behavior pattern disrupting is psychological functioning or behavior, it is due to a psychological disorder. I have realized that to be able to distinguish when a soul has a psychological disorder, it is vital to be able to determine the definition of the abnormal behavior. The characteristics that classify abnormal behavior are unusualness, social deviance, imperfect perception, signifi back toothfult personal distress, maladaptive behavior, and dangerousness, all traits that need attention and diagnosis. Abnormal behavior can bring unhappiness, conflict, or even discomfort in the individuals everyday feeling not only impairing ones lifestyle, but can affect others.However, behavior that is normal in one neighbourhood may be considered abnormal in another, henceforth I must also be refined in the lasts around the world and of the patient. Each culture approaches mental disorders differently, and have different forms of normalitys, and solutions for ones behavior. In this class I was taught how American and western cultures approach mental disorders. Throughout the course I learned about different perspectives of psychology and different approaches to treatment. The perspectives that I consider to best explain abnormal behavior is the biopsychosoc ial model. The biopsychosocial model is an integrative model, which explains abnormal behavior through the interactions of biological, psychological, and sociocultural factors. The reason why Ibelieve this model is the most accurate is because it takes into account that there is not just one factor that can cause a mental illness.One of the most interesting ways it approaches disorders is that it comes up with the diathesis-stress model. This model is a way of explaining how people blockade up suffering from mental disorders, by assuming that mental disorders come from the interaction of two things, genetic and life experience. A person that is genetically susceptible, minimal stress from the environment can trigger a mental illness in contrast a person can withstand immense environmental stress and withstand mental illnesses. I find this model to be conclusive because it explains how all three factors contribute to different mental disorders.The treatment that I found most efficie nt and effective for mental disorders is cognitive-behavioral therapy. This therapy treats a maladaptive-learned behavior through applying the behavioral principles of learning. This gives the individual the ability to reconstruct his or her thoughts in a more positive matter. Disorders tend to make a person feel hopeless and maladaptive, but this treatment allows the person to have control of their thoughts and feelings.Mental illnesses can lead to disturbances in a persons thoughts and may be an emotional experience. Mental illnesses tend to make life difficult because a person may find it hard to sustain relationships, keep a job, or motivate oneself to do daily activities. Without treatment, they can and often do make life intolerable to live. From this class I have a better understanding how mental disorders can affect ones life and what one can do to change their life. Furthermore, this class has given me a better understanding of the various psychological disorders, and how t o diagnosis, as well as treat them. This has guided me so that one day I can help other people, and make their lives enjoyable and fulfilling.

Parents held responsible for childrens crime Essay

Parents hold a lot of tariff when raising children. They are there to teach them right from wrong and how to behave in order to raise them into successful men and women that todays society can relate to rather than juvenile delinquents that this field discriminates upon. It is the parents responsibility to instill values into their young children because as the children grow it becomes their responsibility to make their own decisions since one day they will have to face the real world on their own.So I believe parents should not be held accountable for their childrens actions because blaming parents is not loss to help children learn from their mistakes. Advocates who subscribe to full parental accountability stated, They believe parents should know about and control their childrens actions and accept their obligation to bear the consequences of their childrens mistakes. By this comment theyre stating that parents basically merit each punishment their children commit. However, parents shouldnt be incarcerated for their childrens wrong doings, the child themselves are responsible for the umbrages they committed. They deserve to pay the price for the actions they take.If children did the crime then the most(prenominal) reasonable explanation would be that they pay the price. Blaming parents isnt going to help the children learn from their mistakes, its just going to make it that much easier for them to commit the crime again without getting any punishment sent their way. When it comes to parents some may be the best when it comes to raising their children, however their child decide to go downwardly a different path with the wrong crowd and completely misbehave.That doesnt mean that the parents should be punished for the childs mistakes. Parents instill rules upon their children and have spicy expectations for them. However, many children in todays society are easily influenced by people in their surroundings. So, by attacking the parents the problem is nt going to change and the situation isnt going to get any easier. The vicious dog analogy that states, Parents should control a child just as an owner should control a dog is not a reasonable statement. I fully agree with the author Sylvia Miller. Children are not animals nor should they be treated manage animals.They dont deserve to be controlled like a pet. By controlling a child and keeping them enclosed like a pet, is except going to make matters worse and the child is going to rebel. A parent has to lay down supervision and care for their children, but arent responsible for everyaction the child makes. If we continue to blame parents for their childrens crimes, then we will see no positive outcomes in the childs future. Parents cant control their children only influence them.If a parent continues to try to participate in a childs life and that child continues to rebel. It is therefore not the parents fault of the crime that child commits. It is up to the children to follow the rules that their parents established for them in order to live a successful life.

Corporate Social Responsibility (Csr)

CORPORATE SOCIAL RESPONSIBILITY (CSR) COMPANY charge PETRODEC SDN BHD BY JUZITA MOHAMED ALIAS (2012) ContentsPage Executive Summary3 1. 0 Introduction.. .. 4 2. 0 club Backgroun-Petrodec Sdn Bhd. 4 3. 0 Company Values 5 4. 0 Corporate Social Responsibility5 5. 0 CSR Activities 20116 5. 1 Adopted School Sek Men (U) Al-Irsyad6 5. 2 Welf are Activities Rumah Bakti Kulim.. 7 6. 0Next socio-economic class Plan . .. 8 7. 0CSR Challenges9 8. 0Conclusion and recommendation. References 10 Executive Summary Corporate tender responsibility which is besides known as CSR is a form of corporate self-regulated that has been integrate into a business sector model. It was started to be popular in 1960s to mid-seventies after(prenominal) being implemented by numerous multinational follow. The focus on CSR in Malaysia has increased in recent amicable classs, in line with world-wide trends. Although several companies have CSR programs that go back many years, in some cases decades, it has in recent years been possible to identify an increased awareness of the issue.The approach of CSR becomes widely accepted by community- base ripening approach. Today, more(prenominal) companies than ever before are recognizing the significance and cheer of integrating CSR into all aspects of their business operations and decision-making processes. Communities are seen as more than just a market for the roll-out of products and religious services. The yen-term growth and profitability of companies are inextricably linked to the sustainability and well-being of the community. Petrodec Sdn Bhd is virtuoso of the company in Malaysia that committed to their CSR program.In year 2011, Petrodec had become more integrated in CSR where they had adopted SM (U) Al-Irsyad, Pulau Pinang and intend activities with Blind Associate in Kulim called Rumah Bakti. 1. 0Introduction This project starts with the importance of the CSR committedness to the company consequently followed by the bac kground of the company, Petrodec Sdn Bhd. This leave behind continue with the listed CSR activities done by Petrodec Sdn Bhd. Then it followed by the plan for next year and challenges faces by the company. Then it covers recommendation to conclude the whole program presented for year 2011. . 0Company Background-Petrodec Sdn Bhd Petrodec Sdn Bhd (formerly known as Focal 2000 Sdn Bhd ) was established on 21st April 2000 with a mission to provide a comprehensive range of engineering solutions and services in the construction industry. Petrodec Sdn Bhd has been registered with CIDB (G7) since year 2001 and PKK (Class A). Holding the paid up capital of RM1,000,000. 00, Petrodec Sdn Bhd is owned by two directors En Mohd Zamri Bin Abdull Rahman and Tn Syed Lokman Bin Syed Idrus. Petrodec Sdn Bhd cerebrates thither is more to value than just the lowest price.Value means providing our clients with the highest quality product for the most economical price. Petrodec Sdn Bhd has worked hard t o earn a re retchation for quality work and integrity in dealing with clients, local authorities, suppliers and subcontractors. Its believes in twist value into relationships by using quality throng and products. Their goal is to set long lasting relationships based on trust, honesty and professionalism. The organization had worked hard to earn satisfaction and respect from customer as they believe in continuous relationship with customers.The basic philosophy of Petrodec Sdn Bhd is to offer oustanding services towards clients goals and needs. The company provides a join package capability and solution to suit projects of any scale and magnitude. Its services testament be characterized by a high standard of quality services. The company believes in the solidarity of its internal skills and knowledge in strong the needs of its clients (Petrodec Sdn Bhd, 2010). 3. 0Company values The values and principles are Experience, Effective, Efficiency and Excellence coupled with creativ e dynamism and imaginativeness will be the constant focus of the company s work ethics. Petrodec Sdn Bhd, 2010) 4. 0Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) CSR is a form of corporate self-regulation integrated into business model. It starts to be popular in 1960s and early 1970s after multinational company really putting an effort to emphasis on CSR. Basically, the most flourishing and accepted CSR is the community-based development approach. In this approach, organization works with local communities to better themselves. The organization that is committed to employee development usually al infery practicing some of the CSR components.That organization that openly shares information with employees about a move toward downsizing, and then(prenominal) helps displaced employees find newfangled jobs, is actively practicing CSR. Moreover, the organization that is committed to the production of safe, reliable, and innovative products or services in line with customer needs is strateg ically involved in CSR. CSR is, therefore, a focussing approach that takes into love an integrated set of indicators that map the firms uphold within the its economic, society and environmental existence.Most importantly, findings from scientific research shows that CSR is infixed for the long-term sustainability of an organization (Waldman, Sully, Washburn, & House, 2006). Company that narrowly pursue the profit motive, without concern for the broad spectrum of Stakeholders that are applicable to the long run, are increasingly shown to lack sustainability. But its not scarce important to ingest the importance of these groups. Organizations must also be able to connect the dots and understand how various Stakeholders, and the satisfaction of their needs, tally interrelated challenges.To some multinational companies and large organizations, they might have an established CSR that causes a significant impact to the company and community surrounded area. However to a small co mpany they might have a different ways to involve with CSR activities. For Petrodec Sdn Bhd commitment to engage with CSR activities is important to ensure business continuity. It is a social obligations to contribute some and to be part of the society. The company hopes to share some of community pain in the welfare activities.On the other hand, Petrodec is a construction company that have to engage with the community throughout the continuance of project completion. It is understood, whenever a constructions works involve, there always be uncomfortable situations to the involve society. Projects like earthwork clearing, mental synthesis constructions, roads constructions and many more would always be unavoided disturbance to the people stay around the constructions area. therefore, meshing with society will make them understand the situation and understand why the work need to be done at that area. 5. 0CSR Activities 2011Petrodec Sdn Bhd activities are divided into categories. First category is the adopted school and the second one is the welfare activities. Petrodec had chosen Sek Men (U) Al-Irsyad as the adopted school when they started the construction project to build new hostel. The welfare activities carried out at Rumah Bakti in Kulim town which is the only Muslim Blind Associate in Malaysia. 5. 1Adopted School- Sek Men (U) Al-Irsyad Sek Men (U) Al-Irsyad is located at Pokok Sena, Pulau Pinang. In 2009, Petrodec had been awarded to build hostel for the student that can set-aside(p) 200 students.It is also included room for warden and bodily function rooms. The duration for this project carried out for two years. It is long enough for the company to support the school activities. The school had their planned a lot of good programs to develop their students. But to ensure all activities can be run successfully, they need certain calculate. So Petrodec had put up the initiative to volunteer to contribute RM10,000. 00 to ensure all their program sm ooth throughout the year. However, Petrodec only handover the RM10,000. 00 and the school had full authorities to use the money to run all the program as their planned and presented earlier.Petrodec had not engaged personally during the activities. Speech competition, motivation activities, outdoor activities, external speaker comes for motivation dialog and graduation celebration are parts of the activities that had been carried out throughout the year. 5. 2Welfare Activites- Pusat Latihan Rumah Bakti Kulim (The Blind Association) Rumah Bakti Kulim (the blind association) is the only educational activity center for muslim blind association in Malaysia. Its accommodates around 20 people which is blinds that stayed in this Rumah Bakti.All of them are teenagers who poor vision or blinds, and orphan. Petrodec had participate actively in their activites and involve personally in the activities. Total of RM20,000. 00 was granted throughout the year but it was given when the program are planned. In 2011, there are three major activities had been carried out. Two activities had conjugated event with Malaysian Estima Owners Group (MEOG) to had more people involve. The first event was held a week before HariRaya Aidilfitri 2011 which is on 20th August 2011. The total budget for this event around RM6,000. 00.The MEOG team prepared the food for evening meal to break their fast, transportation (Estima) to bring the blinds to function house which is held at Kulim Golf Residents and Petrodec prepared cash donation, baju kurung and baju melayu for all the blinds. Total of 24 blinds certain the cash donation and wearing apparel on that day. Total 100 attendees participate in the event. It a very(prenominal) simple but a meaning full event. All the Petrodec staffs and MEOGians served the for the blinds, perform the maghrib prayers and then proceed with the clothes and cash donations sessions.It was conclude to be one of the most successful event to MEOG and Petrodec Sdn Bhd this year. The second activity was activity korban on Aidil Adha. It was done on 9th November 2011 at Rumah Bakti Kulim. Total budget allocated was RM3,600. 00. This activity also a joined effort with MEOG. Rumah Bakti staff cooked for lunch for invited guest which included all the blinds at Rumah Bakti, Petrodec Sdn Bhd Staff and MEOGians. Korban meat was then distributed to poor people and included the residents of Rumah Bakti.The meat for Rumah Bakti will be stored properly as that will be their food stock until year end and early of first quarter next year. This is due to normally it was the last contributions received from outside organizations for that year. Next year contribution will be received later(prenominal) in February. For day to day income, the blinds will continue living with their own income either from massage service and photostat service run inhouse. The third activity was to hire Tahfiz to teach the blind tahfiz Al-Quran. As they cannot read Al-Quran, ther efore they have to hire Tahfiz for the purpose of learning Al-Quran.This activity start in November and RM700. 00 was allocated for the Tahfiz monthly salary. 6. 0Next Year Plan To ensure CSR activities continuity, Petrodec Sdn Bhd already presented next year plan to the board. Eventhough the budget still under grace by board of directors, the team will continue to look forward for the benefits of the company and the involve community. There are two plans for next year, which are to build prayer room at Rumah Bakti. It is estimated around RM30,000 needed. Petrodec also will continue to adopt school but it might change to another school.The suggestion will be SK St Annes Convent, Kulim. Petrodec had suggested to do activities such as career week during activity week after UPSR 2012. The school will call professionals to give a talk about their career and share with the schools why is it their job is important to the society. Another activity will be participate in Hari Kantin where the Petrodec Sdn Bhd team will be coaching on the entrepreneurship to the students. 7. 0CSR Challenges CSR activities need all the participants actively involve during the activities to ensure it is meaningful to the community.This would be the biggest challenge to Petrodec Sdn Bhd as the company had a very limited headcount to perform their work and at the same time participate in the CSR activities. Thus, with limited resources such as small budget, time and square also had become the constrains to run CSR in more proper manner. Most of the activites had to be on adhoc hind end rather than a well plan schedule. This is also can be constrains due to limited resources. However, the company had worked hard to close the gaps in ensuring the activities run smooth. 8. 0Conclusion and RecommendationCSR is part of social commitment that company need to actively engage and participate. The company might have focus the CSR activities to the project area or to the community surrounded the organizations. Then only it will be meaningful to the people stay around the area. Reference Petrodec Sdn Bhd. (2010). annual Report 2010. , (p. 10). Petrodec Sdn Bhd. (2010). Company Profile. Pulau Pinang, Malaysia. Waldman, D. , Sully, M. , Washburn, N. , & House, R. (2006). Cultural and Leadership preditors of Corporate Social Responsibility values of top management A Globe Study of 15 Countries. Journal of International Business Studies , 823-837.

Gentrification of urban communities

Urban reclamation is a great deal lauded as a approval by politicians and land developers it is seen as a method of conveying economic and cultural growing to an early(a)wise dead community. It is a good deal of alterations made in the hopes that new occupants come in, more than denotes unfastened, and more capital flows into the domain. However, re festering frequently consequences in the deconstruction and replacing of a preexistent community, displacing the former occupants and increasing their adversities instead than supplying revival. Gentrification, the procedure in which more flush occupants move into a poorer country and alter its social and economic kineticss, is a confines that comes up in virtu aloney every argument sing urban renovation. In this paper, I pull up stakes reason that the usage of urban gentrification for useful intents is unjust and delusory, and the Kantian thought that positive purpose personal business more than effect provides an insidious l enience. I will demo the hurt gentrification causes to local anesthetic anaesthetic cin wiz caserns and occupants through illustrations from countries that down undergone the procedure, and compare the responsibilityments for and against the pattern the effects of lifting prop value, the alterations in a community s concerns, and the alterations in a community s social make-up will be the chief countries of central point. After the investigate is presented, I will research the philosophical point of views of Kant and Mill, and agate line idealism with the world that urban communities moldiness confront in covering with gentrification.When flush fledglings set up places in a hapless community, they frequently rebuild or otherwise modify the belongingss they buy by making this, switch the belongings values up consequently. The belongings revenue enhancements and rent addition to fit this up grading of places and flats. These higher income households mass afford these incre ased fees, and the excess revenue enhancement capital fluxing into the country by and large pleases the local authorities. But for long-magazine occupants, this displacement in belongings values can be an unwelcome load. Harmonizing to an appraisal conducted by Daniel Sullivan, longtime occupants of a gentrified community tend to be poorer than newer occupants. Consequentially, long-time occupants frequently become displaced by the newer, richer occupants. Koreatown, Los Angeles is a postmortem examination illustration of this effect. In the survey The Contested Nexus of Koreatown , Kyeyoung Park and Jessica detailed the alterations the urban enclave experienced as restructured itself after the Los Angeles Riots. During the LA Riots, Koreatown s belongingss suffered amendss that occupants were distressed to reimburse from m either displaced occupants abandoned the enclave wholly. Outside investing and urban revival seemed the lone means to supply the alleviation Koreatown so urg ently needed, barely the research workers name its redevelopment self-contradictory while belongings values increased and the town experienced a quaint recovery, established occupants found themselves out on the streets because they were unable to afford the new rents and fees. These occupants were largely local workers doing minimum pay wages, who all of a sudden found their flat composites being bought out by development companies the edifices would be renovated and refurbished, and the rents would be dual the original cost. Gentrification had compounded the supercede of the original community alternatively of assisting them gain back on their pess. From the point of position of the established community, it is hard to state that urban reclamation provided any societal good for them they had been swapped out in favour of newer occupants.As new higher-income occupants come in, the types of concerns in the country alteration every bit good. These occupants have more disposa ble income and the kinds of goods and services they desire differ from the other occupants. The concentration of professional services and retail shops addition, while smaller, local concerns go into diminution ( Park and Kim, 2008 ) . To slip away into with the demands of a altering community, some services become plethoric to the point of instability local concern proprietors find themselves missing the resources to remain competitory and travel out of concern, ensuing in farther supplanting of the established community versus the entrance community. In their survey, Park and Kim stated there was over-saturation of pool halls, cyberspace coffeehouse, karaoke bars, sable nines, room salons, and spirits shops in Koreatown while this gives the consumer more pick, the competition makes for a really hostile and gruesome concern environment. The new shops and services can frequently be unaccessible to the established occupants, in footings of affordability and focal point it is a signifier of market positivism that takes merely the concerns of the flush into history. When Koreatown was redeveloped, the new services were come to towards pulling people to the night life with bars, nines, and high-class eating houses while these concerns were popular out-of-towners and the flush, the bulk of the local community had no usage for such excessive venues. Babylon Court, an upscale shopping centre located in Hollywood, is besides an illustration of disagreement between concern and the community. The shopping centre is a popular spatial relation for the upper category with its expensive retail shops and celebrated theatres, but it stand in stark contrast to the environing community of the homeless and comparatively hapless who can non afford the offering of Babylon Court ( Curtio, Davenport, and Jackiewicz, 2007 ) . Once once more, the intrigues of the gentrification procedure have non helped the community, but hampered it outside investing and new concerns that w ere suppose to take a mite life into a fighting community have alternatively alienated and beleaguered the long-time occupants.When reclamation is enacted for the good of a community, the bing community is rarely the donee alternatively, the community is steadily changed and replaced so that revival is a consequence of a new public. Increased variegation and societal mixture does non happen, but replacing and segregation are frequently the consequence when covering with gentrification. In Gentrification and Social admixture , Loretta Lees stated that in-between fledglings into urban communities self-segregated themselves even though they polled in favour of diverseness in a vicinity. This procedure of gentrification is on a regular ground aided by societal policies created by the province. One illustration of that happening is Cabrini Green in Chicago. In 1994, it qualified the worst instance of public lodging in the US , and was later given $ 50 million to redevelop the de struction and vouchering out that followed displaced a important part of low-income renters and recreated the community as a in-between category vicinity ( Lees, 2008 ) . The UK developed similar policies the London Borough of Brent New Deal for Communities labour funded the destruction of tower blocks and created over 1500 in private owned units, but at the loss of 800 in public owned units ( Atkinson, 2008 ) , displacing low-income occupants. The preexistent community is pushed out by the alterations in the local economic system, and an of all time so elusive societal cleaning takes topographic point, while policy shapers flaunt their love of societal public-service corporation and the public good and claim they are relieving the poorness of urban countries.A useful doing should ensue the greatest gratification for the greatest sum of people. J.S. Mill demanded empiricist philosophy in infering what benefited the whole, but gentrification puts the felicity and experiences of clearly different groups at odds. Does gentrification function the felicity of the old occupants or the new occupants? Empirical examination of informations Tells me the old occupants are simple garbage in gentrification and newer occupants are primary concern. Is the greater felicity a affair of population measure or is it a affair of population quality? Another falsifiable scrutiny reveals gentrification is process that favors people of higher income, a affair of quality instead than measure. My scrutiny reveals gentrification consequences in the greatest felicity for the few, instead than the many. So I pose the undermentioned inquiry how does one justify gentrification as functioning the greater good? Social policies recommending gentrification claim they have improved and revitalized urban communities, when all they have done is displace the established low-income households to do it seem like they have reduce poorness in the country. This misrepresentation is something I take immense issue with even Milton Friedman, a magnanimous male who was likely supportive of urban reclamation patterns, spewed sulfuric acid at utilizing the alibi of societal good to accomplish a personal docket.Gentrification in the name of societal public-service corporation is a failure, but Immanuel Kant said baronial purpose affairs more than effect. However, baronial purpose is something subjective what is baronial to one individual is non needfully baronial to another. The effects of gentrification are desperate and far-reaching and to pardon the procedure based on a subjective ideal is an indulgence excessively easy granted. In duty-based moralss, a individual moldiness see his ideal as if it were a cosmopolitan axiom if it is contradictory, so it is a defective ideal. excogitate everyone went around fliping people poorer than themselves out of house and place, destructing and reconstructing belongingss for their ain usage this would ensue complete pandemonium, wi th people of all societal standings in ferocious struggle with one another. Through policy devising, advocates of gentrification have besides decrease the thought of community to a part of a map instead than people Kant would be interpreted aback by the deficiency of regard for the sovereignty of the person. Intent entirely can non salvage the policy of gentrification it is something flawed by subjective dockets, and Kant s nonsubjective ideals can non be efficaciously applied to the worlds of the state of affairs.Gentrification carried out in the name of utilitarianism is a misrepresentation wrought upon troubled communities. It is excessively frequently that the announce of revival is made a cloak for a cleaning of a community s societal order. The occupants suffer through a procedure of steadily increasing adversities and eventual replacing by the more privileged it s Invasion of the Body Snatchers , except with the middle class alternatively of foreigners. With the increa sing belongings values and as if by magic vanishing poorness, statistics are made reinforce the thought that gentrification works admirations for communities. I can non decently show my contempt for this sinister kind of planning it is a type of cowardly deed tantrum for scoundrels with long moustaches, twirling fingers, and big chapeaus. While I would immensely prefer investing and biography that allowed a community to go self-sufficing by its ain attempts, I would merely settle for the elude of societal good to be dropped from the pitch. If you re traveling to pass over out and reconstruct a community, name it for what it is they re likely excessively hapless and incapacitated to halt you.Plants CitedAtkinson, Rowland. Commentary Gentrification, Segregation and the mental lexicon of Affluent Residential Choice. Urban Studies V. 45 No. 12 ( November 2008 ) P. 2626-36, 45.12 ( 2008 ) 2626-2636.Sullivan, Daniel Monroe. Reassessing Gentrification. Urban Affairs Review, 42.4 ( 2007 ) 583-592.Leess, Loretta. Gentrification and Social Mixing Towards an Inclusive Urban Renaissance? . Urban Studies V. 45 No. 12 ( November 2008 ) P. 2449-70, 45.12 ( 2008 ) 2449-2470.Curti, Giorgio Hadi, John Davenport, and Edward Jackiewicz. Concrete Babylon heart Between the Stars. Yearbook of the Association of Pacific Coast Geographers, 69 ( 2007 ) 45-73.Park, Kyeyoung, and Jessica Kim. The Contested Nexus of Los Angeles Koreatown Capital Restructuring, Gentrification, and Displacement. Amerasia ledger V. 34 No. 3 ( 2008 ) P. 126-50, 34.3 ( 2008 ) 126-150.